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get ready for a General Strike May 1

Slingshot #109 cover imageFrom Slingshot!Issue #109

By Jesse D. Palmer

The call for a global general strike beginning on May 1 is exciting and with luck, millions of people will rise up and shut down the economy — but we need to make sure any general strike has a strong foundation, moves our struggle in a positive direction and addresses regular people who aren’t already active within the occupy scene. Calling a general strike — in which everyone in every industry and job is asked to risk their livelihood by walking out — is a dramatic act. If successful, it would mean stores and factories would close, transport would cease to function, and day-to-day commerce would grind to a halt.

There is a risk that those calling for the strike are being romantic and impractical — getting ahead of themselves. Most of the hundreds of occupations around the country are just in the beginning stages of the long, difficult process of building social connections to large numbers of regular people in the community — a necessary pre-requisite for effectively pulling off a general strike. While building an effective general strike is a major long-shot, it is not entirely impossible given the powerful social contradictions disclosed by the occupy movement, which the mainstream political and economic system is incapable of addressing.

Some of the calls for action circulating as Slingshot goes to press that try to explain why there should be a general strike need additional thought and work. For example, the call to action issued by Occupy LA reads, in part, “The goal is to shut down commerce worldwide and show the 1% we will not be taken for granted, we will not be silenced, WE WILL NOT MOVE until our grievances are redressed.”

Now is not the time to reduce the beauty of the occupy phenomenon to protesting-as-usual in which we organize events for the sake of organizing them — without really believing our own rhetoric or aiming to succeed — or in which we beg our rulers to redress grievances for us. This concedes that those in power are legitimate and have a right to retain their power. Why should we beg them for crumbs rather than uniting to topple them?

We have to ask whether we really want any of the things those in power can give us? The reason so many of us occupied across the country is that the political and economic systems are broken. Our votes, our job searches, our compliance with bureaucratic rules, our passive acceptance of corrupt power structures — none of it got us anywhere. Within the occupation, we dismissed our faith in the failed system and instead built our own solidarity, community and power to begin to redefine what is important in the world and destroy the structures of power that stop us from living the lives we really want.

In a redefined world, the capitalists, the bankers, their politicians and the whole modern power structure will be as irrelevant and ridiculous as the kings, serfs and slavery of 200 years ago seem to us now.

Occupy is, fundamentally, about class struggle. The wealth gap between the majority of people who work for a living and the tiny fraction who skim off most of the money by virtue of owning stuff, not by working, has reached a breaking point. Anything the rulers own was created by us — those who work. Yet decades of propaganda have sold many people on the idea that we need the rich as “job creators” and that if they get richer, their wealth will eventually “trickle down” to those below.

The first phase of the occupy movement has been about gathering strength, recognizing our numbers, grasping community, and liberating a wide-ranging critical discussion of the existing power structure. The crucial role of opening up dialog cannot be overstated. It is hard to remember how unfashionable and difficult it was to talk about class inequality and economic injustice just a few months ago. Slogans like “we are the 99%” articulated something everyone knew, yet few wanted to openly discuss. We have to start by killing the businessman in our heads.

But as powerful as standing up against gross economic inequality felt last fall, the occupy movement can’t succeed by just being against things. We are for a new kind of world and while part of it is about money and a fair distribution of wealth, our real power comes from something deeper. Being for something new brings us creative, courageous, passionate juices that arise from love. That is one reason why our occupations felt so meaningful — we were building a community and creating libraries, kids villages, medic tents, general assemblies, rather than just being against something.

The key to a new world is not just re-distributing money in a more reasonable fashion. Rather, the key is exposing the big lie behind the corporate rat-race that the 1% are pushing — that our lives are mostly about money and things and that a pay increase or a fatter bank account will give us satisfaction. Capitalism requires constant economic expansion, which means the system has to constantly psychologically manipulate us to want more, buy more and work more. The list of material goods and services that defined a “good life” in 1950 would be considered poverty in 2012. And the things we want now won’t seem like enough in another ten years, unless somehow we step off the hamster wheel.

In developed economies like the US, we’re way past the point where more stuff improves our lives. The typical suburban house keeps getting bigger, cars and electronics keep getting more sophisticated and super stores are stuffed with products. Many people are always seeking the next new thing or experience but when they get there, it always feels somehow empty. The system expands by transforming things we once did for ourselves, our families or our communities into services provided by industry — entertainment, cooking, grooming, healthcare, childcare. The economic machine expands voraciously, addressing its own needs for growth rather than human needs for freedom, connection and engagement.

Psychologically, many of us suffer fallout from these economic imperatives and assume that bigger is always better, leading us to try to improve the size and scale of our protests and actions, rather than concentrating on the quality of our actions. So if an occupation or protest is good, the next action has to always be bigger, more disruptive, louder.

The most important aspect of the early days of the occupy movement was not size, per se, although it was important that the moment spoke to people and that a lot of people plugged in. Rather, the novel thing was the way we felt at the occupation — the amazing sense of engagement, agency, community and dialog.

Those days and those experiences were so powerful to so many of us that now, our attempts to re-create those feelings may paradoxically make it more difficult for us to move forward. Feeling so good is like crack — we want that feeling back. But you cannot organize the surge of excitement that was present at the birth of the occupations — it happened because conditions were right and we were lucky enough to be there to experience it. That doesn’t mean we can’t keep things moving, but there is a danger in trying to simplistically re-create the particular tactics or symbols of particular moments rather than staying aware of the mood now and letting that be our guide as tactics change and evolve.

Calling a global general strike can be a reasonable tactic to respond to social conditions, but for it to be relevant it has to be part of an integrated struggle — it has to evolve organically from our lives and our communities. It has to be big but also deep, touching grassroots and hearts. We have to go beyond making big actions for their own sake if by doing so the exercise feels alienating or meaningless. To avoid that, we have to figure out how our actions will keep us present, build community, encourage critical thinking, create dialog, while discrediting and de-legitimizing the system. How can we point out the absurdity of a system where a handful of people control everything because of a few numbers on a computer screen? Billionaires and their fortunes are the modern equivalent of the divine right of kings.

Engaging and changing minds is way more crucial than providing “colorful visuals” for media consumers. Our actions have to avoid becoming just another part of the modern media spectacle — we are not faceless numbers at a protest. How can we avoid getting distracted by traditional traps — endless ritualized struggles with the police or boring engagements with election year politics — and instead focus on creating an alternative narrative outside of the currently available categories? To keep the scene moving in a positive direction, we have to focus on as big a picture as we can conceive and bring up ideas not currently on the table.

While autonomous action has been a key strength of the occupy movement, and the original Wall Street occupation came out of an autonomous call from Adbusters magazine rather than consultation with the community, we may now be suffering from too much of a good thing as many occupations, organizations and individuals all simultaneously call ambitious, sometimes national actions like the multiple, simultaneous calls for a general strike. There is a fine line between an autonomous action and an adventurist action. It is probably impossible to get a good balance between autonomous action and actions designed by committee that, after going through too many general assemblies and quasi-bureaucratic hoops, become mushy, watered down exercises that appeal only to the lowest common denominator. Still, we can think about the tension and try.

As Slingshot goes to press, there are three months left to build a national general strike. That’s not long for a traditional gradual organizing campaign, but an eternity for a wildfire or an idea whose time has come. Resistance can easily take off if it tastes delicious in everyone’s mouth. This has to go far beyond the relatively small pockets that occupied last fall, and that only will happen if we keep our mind on the quality of the process and the feeling of engagement and participation. We can make the general strike if we do it for ourselves and the world we are creating and if we do it with love in our hearts.

May 1 and a General Strike for the 8-Hour Day

General Strike cover image

See a PDF of this in English here. A Spanish translation is below.

May 1, International Workers’ Day, commemorates the historic struggle of working people throughout the world, and is recognized in every country, except the United States and Canada. This is despite the fact that the holiday began in the 1880s in the United States, with the fight for an 8-hour work day led by immigrant workers. The recent historic marches and protests for immigrant rights, which began with “El Gran Paro Americano 2006” (The Great American Boycott), have brought back into our memories May 1 as an important day of struggle. Although the history of the day has largely been forgotten in the U.S., it is still actively remembered and celebrated today by workers, unionists and oppressed peoples all over the world. In fact you can still walk through neighborhoods in Mexico and find streets named in commemoration, such as Calle Los Mártires de Chicago in Oaxaca City.

In 1884, the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions passed a resolution stating that 8 hours would constitute a legal day’s work from and after May 1, 1886. The resolution called for a general strike (meaning a strike of all workers at all workplaces) to achieve the goal, since years of lobbying and legislative methods had already failed. With workers being forced to work ten, twelve, and fourteen hours a day, rank-and-file support for the 8-hour movement grew rapidly, despite the indifference and hostility of many union officials. By April 1886, 250,000 workers across the U.S. were involved in the May Day movement.

The heart of the movement was in Chicago, organized primarily by the anarchist International Working People’s Association, which believed in using education and direct action to create a free and revolutionary society based on the end of capitalism, the end of inequality based on class, race, and sex, and where working and oppressed peoples and communities were able to participate and have a meaningful voice in society. Their movement was based in the working class immigrant communities of the city, mainly among Germans, and was centered around a vibrant radical community that included daily and weekly newspapers in several languages, cultural clubs, youth groups, choirs, sports teams and especially labor unions.

By May 1, 1886 the movement had already won gains for many Chicago clothing cutters, shoemakers, and packing-house workers. Many participated in strikes and hundreds of thousands—estimated between 300,000 and 1 million—participated in marches and parades on that day. But on May 3, police fired into a crowd of strikers at the McCormick Reaper Works Factory, killing four and wounding many. Anarchists called for a mass meeting the next day in Haymarket Square to protest the brutality of the police.

The meeting proceeded without incident, and by the time the last speaker was on the platform, the rainy gathering was already breaking up, with only a few hundred people remaining. It was then that 180 cops marched into the square and ordered the meeting to disperse. As the speakers climbed down from the platform, a bomb was thrown at the police (by someone unknown to this day), killing one and injuring seventy. Police responded by indiscriminately firing into the crowd and on fellow officers, killing one worker and injuring many others. The event became known as the Haymarket Affair.

Martial law was declared. Hundreds of trade union activists and political dissidents were hunted down and jailed. Eight innocent union activists were charged with conspiracy to murder. In a sham trial full of fabricated evidence five of them were sentenced to death by hanging. The press loudly applauded. Their only crimes were holding dissident political views and trying to organize workers.

In 1889 North American trade unionists traveled to Paris to attend the congress of the Labor and Socialist International. Delegates heard about the struggle for the 8-hour day and resolved to organize worldwide demonstrations on May 1 so that in all countries on one appointed day workers would demand the legal reduction of the working day. In 1891 the International added that it must also serve as a demonstration on behalf of the demands to improve working conditions, and to ensure peace among the nations.

May Day is a part of our history, a day for new beginnings and a the day to show that we workers have more in common with each other than we do with those who would rule over us.

—Adapted from Adam Welch, Bay Area IWW, and from the Windsor, Ontario IWW by the IWW General Strike Coordinating Committee, Denver


Primero de Mayo y la Huelga General por la Jornada Laboral de 8 Horas

El Uno de Mayo, Día Internacional de los Trabajadores, conmemora la lucha histórica de la clase trabajadora de todo el mundo, y está reconocido en todos los países, con la excepción de Estados Unidos y Canadá. Esto ocurre a pesar del hecho de que la celebración empezó en la década del 1880 en Estados Unidos, con la lucha por la jornada laboral de 8 horas liderada por los trabajadores emigrantes. Las marchas y protestas por derechos para los emigrantes, que empezaron por el “Gran Paro Americano del 2006,” han traído memorias del Primero de Mayo como un día de lucha importante. Aunque la historia de este día ha sido ampliamente olvidada en los Estados Unidos, todavía la recuerdan y la celebran activamente trabajadores, sindicalistas y oprimidos en todo el mundo. De hecho, todavía es posible caminar por ciertos vecindarios de Méjico y encontrar calles nombradas en su conmemoración, como la calle de Los Mártires de Chicago en la ciudad de Oaxaca.

En 1884, La Federación de Trabajadores Organizados y Sindicatos aprobó una resolución estableciendo que la jornada de trabajo de 8 horas constituiría la definición legal de el día de trabajo desde y a partir del Uno de Mayo de 1886. La resolución convocó una huelga general (es decir huelga de todos los trabajadores en todos los puestos de trabajo) para alcanzar el objetivo, ya que años de negociación y métodos legislativos habían fracasado. Con una clase trabajadora obligada a trabajar diez, doce y catorce horas al día, el apoyo de las bases al movimiento por la jornada de ocho horas creció rápidamente a pesar de la indiferencia y hostilidad de muchos cuadros sindicales. En Abril de 1886, 250.000 trabajadores a lo largo de los Estados Unidos estaban involucrados en el movimiento de el Uno de Mayo.

El corazón del movimiento estaba en Chicago, organizado principalmente por la anarquista Organización Internacional de Trabajadores, que creía en la educación y la acción directa como medios para alcanzar una sociedad libre y revolucionaria fundada sobre la terminación del capitalismo, la terminación de la desigualdad de clases, razas y sexos, y donde las gentes y las comunidades trabajadoras y oprimidas fueran capaces de participar y ser escuchados en la sociedad. Su movimiento estaba basado en las comunidades de trabajadores emigrantes de la ciudad, principalmente entre los alemanes, y estaba centrado en torno a una vibrante y radical comunidad que incluía diarios y semanales en varias lenguas, asociaciones culturales, asociaciones de jóvenes, coros, equipos deportivos y especialmente sindicatos de trabajadores.

Para el Primero de Mayo de 1886 el movimiento ya había conquistado el apoyo entre los trabajadores textiles, del calzado y empaquetadores. Muchos participaron en huelgas y cientos de miles – estimados entre 300.000 y un millón—participaron en marchas y manifestaciones aquél día. Pero el 3 de Mayo, la policía abrió fuego sobre una multitud de huelguistas de la factoría McCormick Reaper, asesinando a cuatro e hiriendo a muchos. Los anarquistas convocaron una concentración para el día siguiente en Haymarket Square para protestar la brutalidad de la policía.

La concentración transcurrió sin incidentes y cuando el último orador se encontraba en el podio la multitud ya se empezaba a disolver bajo la lluvia y sólo permanecían unos cientos de participantes. Fue justo entonces cuando 180 policías entraron en la plaza y ordenaron que la concentración se dispersara. Al tiempo que los oradores bajaban del podio una bomba fue arrojada a la policía (hasta hoy en día no se sabe por quién), matando a uno e hiriendo a setenta. La policía respondió abriendo fuego indiscriminado sobre la multitud y sobre sus mismos compañeros, matando un trabajador e hiriendo otros muchos. El suceso es conocido como el Incidente de Haymarket.

Se declaró ley marcial. Cientos de activistas sindicales y disidentes políticos fueron cazados y encarcelados. Ocho activistas sindicales fueron acusados de intento de asesinato. En una farsa de juicio repleto de falsas pruebas cinco de ellos fueron sentenciados a morir en la horca. La prensa aplaudió ruidosamente. Sus únicos crímenes fueron mantener puntos de vista políticos disidentes e intentar organizar a los trabajadores.

En 1889 sindicalistas norteamericanos viajaron a París para atender el congreso de la Internacional Socialista de Trabajadores. Los delegados debatieron sobre la lucha por la jornada de ocho horas y decidieron organizar manifestaciones para el Primero de Mayo en todo el mundo con el fin de que todos los trabajadores de todo el mundo demandasen la reducción legal de la jornada de trabajo el mismo día. En 1891 la Internacional añadió que también debe de servir como demostración de apoyo a las demandas para mejorar las condiciones de trabajo y para garantizar la paz entre las naciones.

El Primero de Mayo es parte de nuestra historia, un día para mirar al futuro y para mostrar que los trabajadores tenemos mas en común entre nosotros que con los que nos gobiernan.

—Adaptado de Adam Welch, de IWW de Bay Area, y de Windsor, Ontario IWW por el Comité General Coordinador de Huelga de IWW, Denver. Gracias a Manuel por el traducción.

Greek Hospital Now Under Workers’ Control

See a PDF of this in English and Spanish here.

Health workers in Kilkis, Greece, have occupied their local hospital and have issued a statement saying it is now fully under workers control.

The general hospital of Kilkis in Greece is now under workers control. The workers at the hospital have declared that the long-lasting problems of the National Health System (ESY) cannot be resolved.


The workers have responded to the regime’s acceleration of unpopular austerity measures by occupying the hospital and outing it under direct and complete control by the workers. All decisions will be made by a ‘workers general assembly’.

Greek Hospital Workers photo image

The hospital has stated that. “The government is not acquitted of its financial responsibilities, and if their demands are not met, they will turn to the local and wider community for support in every possible way to save the hospital defend free public healthcare, to overthrow the government and every neo-liberal policy.”



From the 6th February, hospital workers will only deal with emergencies until their wages, and monies owed have been paid. They are also demanding a return to wage levels prior to the implementation of austerity measures.

The next general assembly will take place on the 13th, and a related press conference will be given on the 15th.

The following statement has been issued by the workers:

1. We recognize that the current and enduring problems of Ε.Σ.Υ (the national health system) and related organizations cannot be solved with specific and isolated demands or demands serving our special interests, since these problems are a product of a more general anti-popular governmental policy and of the bold global neoliberalism.

2. We recognize, as well, that by insisting in the promotion of that kind of demands we essentially participate in the game of the ruthless authority. That authority which, in order to face its enemy—i.e. the people- weakened and fragmented, wishes to prevent the creation of a universal labour and popular front on a national and global level with common interests and demands against the social impoverishment that the authority’s policies bring.

3. For this reason, we place our special interests inside a general framework of political and economic demands that are posed by a huge portion of the Greek people that today is under the most brutal capitalist attack; demands that in order to be fruitful must be promoted until the end in cooperation with the middle and lower classes of our society.

4. The only way to achieve this is to question, in action, not only its political legitimacy, but also the legality of the arbitrary authoritarian and anti-popular power and hierarchy which is moving towards totalitarianism with accelerating pace.

5. The workers at the General Hospital of Kilkis answer to this totalitarianism with democracy. We occupy the public hospital and put it under our direct and absolute control. The Γ.N. of Kilkis will henceforth be self-governed and the only legitimate means of administrative decision making will be the General Assembly of its workers.

6. The government is not released of its economic obligations of staffing and supplying the hospital, but if they continue to ignore these obligations, we will be forced to inform the public of this and ask the local government but most importantly the society to support us in any way possible for: (a) the survival of our hospital (b) the overall support of the right for public and free healthcare (c) the overthrow, through a common popular struggle, of the current government and any other neoliberal policy, no matter where it comes from (d) a deep and substantial democratization, that is, one that will have society, rather than a third party, responsible for making decisions for its own future.

7. The labour union of the Γ.N. of Kilkis will begin, from 6 February, the retention of work, serving only emergency incidents in our hospital until the complete payment for the hours worked, and the rise of our income to the levels it was before the arrival of the troika (EU-ECB-IMF). Meanwhile, knowing fully well what our social mission and moral obligations are, we will protect the health of the citizens that come to the hospital by providing free healthcare to those in need, accommodating and calling the government to finally accept its responsibilities, overcoming even in the last minute its immoderate social ruthlessness.

8. We decide that a new general assembly will take place, on Monday 13 February in the assembly hall of the new building of the hospital at 11 am, in order to decide the procedures that are needed to efficiently implement the occupation of the administrative services and to successfully realise the self-governance of the hospital, which will start from that day. The general assemblies will take place daily and will be the paramount instrument for decision making regarding the employees and the operation of the hospital.

We ask for the solidarity of the people and workers from all fields, the collaboration of all workers’ unions and progressive organizations, as well as the support from any media organization that chooses to tell the truth. We are determined to continue until the traitors that sell out our country and our people leave. It’s either them or us! The above decisions will be made public through a news conference to which all the Mass Media (local and national) will be invited on Wednesday 15/2/2012 at 12.30. Our daily assemblies begin on 13 February. We will inform the citizens about every important event taking place in our hospital by means of news releases and conferences. Furthermore, we will use any means available to publicise these events in order to make this mobilization successful.

We call
a) Our fellow citizens to show solidarity to our effort,
b) Every unfairly treated citizen of our country in contestation and opposition, with actions, against his/her oppressors,
c) Our fellow workers from other hospitals to make similar decisions,
d) The employees in other fields of the public and private sector and the participants in labour and progressive organizations to act likewise, in order to help our mobilization take the form of a universal labour and popular resistance and uprising, until our final victory against the economic and political elite that today oppresses our country and the whole world.

—Originally posted Feb. 9, 2012 here.


El hospital de Kilkis, Grecia, bajo ocupación obrera

El hospital general de Kilkis en Grecia está ya bajo control obrero. Los trabajadores han declarado que los problemas que sufre desde hace tiempo el Sistema de Sanidad Nacional (ESY) no se pueden resolver.

Los trabajadores han respondido así a la aceleración del régimen de medidas impopulares de austeridad ocupando el hospital y declarándolo bajo control directo y completo por parte de los trabajadores. De ahora e adelante, todas las decisiones serán tomadas por los “trabajadores de la asamblea general”.

El hospital ha declarado que “El gobierno no está cumpliendo sus responsabilidades financieras y, si sus demandas no son satisfechas, se dirigirán a la comunidad local para conseguir el mayor apoyo posible con el fin de garantizar los cuidados de sanidad pública gratuita y de derrocar al gobierno y a todas las políticas neoliberales”.



Desde el 6 de febrero, el personal del hospital sólo atenderá las urgencias hasta que los salarios y las sumas que les deben sean pagadas. Igualmente, exigen una vuelta a los salarios que percibían antes de las medidas de austeridad.



La próxima asamblea general tendrá lugar el 13 de febrero, seguida de una rueda de prensa el 15.



Los trabajadores han emitido la siguiente declaración:



1. Constatamos que los problemas actuales y duraderos del Sistema Nacional de Sanidad (ESY) y sus organizaciones relacionadas no pueden ser resueltos por las demandas específicas y aisladas que afectan a nuestros intereses particulares, porque todos estos problemas son el fruto de una política gubernamental impopular más general y del neoliberalismo mundial.

2. Constatamos también que, haciendo reivindicaciones particulares, nosotros le hacemos el juego a un gobierno brutal. Este poder, para enfrentarse a su enemigo -formado por el pueblo debilitado y dividido- hace todo lo posible para impedir la creación de un frente unido y popular a escala nacional y mundial que tenga intereses comunes y exigencias contra el empobrecimiento social creado por las autoridades políticas.

3. Por esta razón, colocamos nuestros intereses particulares en el marco general de reivindicaciones políticas y económicas que ha planteado una gran parte del pueblo griego, que está hoy bajo el ataque del capitalismo más brutal. Estas reivindicaciones deben ser defendidas hasta el final para conseguir una cooperación entre las clases medias y populares de nuestra sociedad.

4. La única manera de conseguirlo es cuestionando, a través de la acción, no sólo la legitimidad política, sino también la legalidad de un poder arbitrario, autoritario e impopular que avanza a paso firme hacia el totalitarismo.

5. Los trabajadores del hospital general de Kilkis responden a este totalitarismo con democracia. Ocupamos el hospital público y lo sometemos a nuestro control directo y total. A partir de ahora, el hospital de Kilkis será autogobernado y el único modo legítimo de decisión será la asamblea general de sus trabajadores.

6. El gobierno no se ha escapado de sus obligaciones económicas de dotación de personal y material. Si continúa ignorando estas obligaciones, nos vemos obligados a informar al público de esta situación y a pedir al gobierno local y sobre todo a la sociedad civil que nos apoye por todos los medios para:

a) La supervivencia de nuestro hospital

b) El apoyo al derecho a una sanidad pública y gratuita

c) El derrocamiento, a través de una lucha común popular, del actual gobierno y de toda política neoliberal, venga de donde venga.

d) Una democratización profunda y sustancial, es decir, una democratización que permita a la sociedad real, y no a terceros, tomar las decisiones que afectan a su futuro.

7. El sindicato del hospital de Kilkis comienza, a partir del 6 de febrero, una huelga que sólo asegura las urgencias hasta el pago completo de las horas trabajadas y el alza de los salarios al nivel anterior a la Troïka (UE, BCE, FMI). Mientras, conscientes de nuestra misión social y nuestras obligaciones morales, protegeremos la salud de los ciudadanos que vengan al hospital proporcionando cuidados gratuitos a quienes lo necesiten, apelamos al gobierno para que asuma sus responsabilidades y esperamos que renuncie en el último minuto a su crueldad social desmesurada.

8. Decidimos que se celebrará una nueva asamblea general el lunes, 13 de febrero, en el hall del nuevo edificio del hospital a las 11 horas, para decidir los procedimientos necesarios para llevar a cabo eficazmente la ocupación de los servicios administrativos y realizar con éxito la autogestión del hospital, que comenzará a partir de ese día. Las asambleas generales tendrán lugar todos los días y serán el instrumento primordial para la toma de decisiones en lo que afecta a los empleados y al funcionamiento del hospital.

Llamamos a la solidaridad del pueblo y los trabajadores de todos los sectores, a la colaboración de todos los sindicatos de trabajadores y de organizaciones progresistas, así como al apoyo de todos los medios que han elegido decir la verdad. Estamos decididos a continuar hasta que los traidores que venden nuestro país y nuestra s gentes se hayan ido. ¡Son ellos o nosotros!

Las decisiones serán públicas a través de una rueda de prensa a la que están invitados todos los medios el miércoles, 15 de febrero, a las 12:30 h. Nuestras asambleas diarias comienzan el 13 de febrero. Vamos a informar a los ciudadanos de cada evento importante que tenga lugar en nuestro hospital vía comunicados y ruedas de prensa. Además, vamos a utilizar todos los medios disponibles para hacer saber estos hechos para el éxito de este movilización.

Hacemos un llamamiento a:
a) Nuestros conciudadanos, para solidarizarse con nuestro movimiento.
b) Todo ciudadano injustamente tratado en nuestro país, a reaccionar con acciones de contestación y oposición contra sus opresores.
c) Nuestros colegas de otros hospitales, a tomar decisiones similares.
d) los empleados de otros sectores públicos o privados y a los miembros de organizaciones sindicales y progresistas a actuar igual, para ayudar a nuestra movilización a tomar la forma de una resistencia universal obrera y popular de levantamiento, hasta la victoria final contra la elite económica y política que hoy primer a nuestro país y al mundo entero.

—Feb. 9, 2012: http://www.anarkismo.net/article/21898

MAY 1ST 2012 – DENVER GENERAL STRIKE

One Big Fist image

This is our initial call-out; Spanish translation here.
Call-out PDF here.
See this page for info on our weekly meetings.

As the recession has deepened, wealth and power have been funneled into the hands of the few. We can no longer afford the rich and powerful or tolerate this system that creates them at our expense. Police, militaries, immigration enforcement, and corporate banks have attacked our communities and movements. We can no longer survive without control over our lives and our society. We will not be silenced. The time has come to show those in power that our demands for equality and justice must be met.

In solidarity with cities worldwide, the people of Denver will enter into a preliminary General Strike for May 1, 2012—International Workers’ Day. We unite in action with people around the globe fighting for a better tomorrow.

Now is the time for community, neighborhood, school, and work groups to organize autonomous and direct actions. As long as we are attacked and deprived of our basic rights, we will not allow for business as usual. We will support independent efforts of people to claim control over their workplaces, schools, and communities as the beginning stage in reclaiming their lives.

The people of Denver hold true power. Without our labor, resources, knowledge and support, the powers that be cannot exist. The people of Denver will rise. Meet us as we occupy, march, and take action against this system that has stolen from us for far too long.

May 1 can be the beginning of a new chapter of struggle for justice and equality. As we occupy our streets, workplaces, neighborhoods, and other common spaces, we start to build a new world within the shell of this world of injustice and inequality. Let May 1 be the beginning of a new chapter that has yet to be written. . .

————————————-

1 Mayo 2012 Denver, CO
¡Huelga General!

Esta fue nuestra primera llamada de espera de una consulta de 25 de febrero. Consulte Ud. esta página para obtener información sobre nuestras reuniones semanales.

Como la recesión se ha puesto más grave, la riqueza y el poder han llegado a poca gente. Ya no se puede aguantar ni a los ricos ni a los poderosos ni el sistema que han creado. La policía, los militares, la migra, y los bancos corporativos han atacados nuestras comunidades y sus acciones. Ya no podemos sobrevivir sin tener el control sobre nuestras propias vidas y sociedad. No nos pueden callar. Ha llegado el momento para enseñar a los que tienen el poder que nuestras exigencias por la igualdad y la justicia tienen que ser cumplidas.

En solidaridad con las ciudades por el mundo, la gente de Denver llamará a una Huelga General preliminar el primero de mayo de 2012—El Día de los Trabajadores Internacionales. Juntemosnos en acción con la gente alrededor del mundo para luchar por un futuro mejor.

Ya es hora para juntarnos con nuestras comunidades, barrios, escuelas, y trabajos, para organizar acciones autónomas y directas. Mientras que nos atacan y nos privan de nuestros derechos básicos, no permitiremos que sigan las cosas así. Apoyaremos los esfuerzos independientes de la gente en reclamar el control sobre sus trabajos, sus escuelas, y comunidades, como una étapa principial para reclamar sus vidas.

La gente de Denver verdaderamente tiene el poder. Sin nuestro labor, nuestros recursos, nuestra sabiduría, nuestro apoyo, los que tengan el poder no podrían existir. La gente de Denver se levantará. Únanse con nosotros para ocupar, marchar, y tomar acción contra el sistema que nos ha robado por demasiado tiempo.

El primero de mayo puede ser el principio de un capítulo nuevo en la lucha por la justícia y la igualdad. Mientras ocupamos nuestras calles, nuestros trabajos, nuestros barrios, y otros espacios comunes, empezamos a construir un nuevo mundo en la cáscara de este mundo lleno de injusticia y desigualdad. Permita Ud. que el primer día de mayo sea el principio de un capítulo nuevo ya no escrito para un futuro mejor. . .

Occupy Denver in solidarity with calls for a General Strike on May 1

From Occupy Denver:

Saturday Feb 25 5:00pm IWW General Strike Coordinating Committee Consulta: Occupy Denver will join in solidarity with many groups locally and nationwide to call for a general strike on May 1, 2012. Please come join Occupy Denver, IWW and other local organizations to start the planning for these actions. The meeting is in El Centro Humanitario at 2260 California St.

See the full solidarity statement here.

May Day 2012 Poster image